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April 24, 2007 (the date of publication in Russian)

THE ISLAND OF DEMOCRACY AND THE ISLAND OF ORDER

Taiwan and Singapore: geographic twins and political antipodes

RPMonitor starts publishing a series of interviews with prominent Russian sinologist, Professor Vladimir Malyavin. He taught in a number of universities of France, the United States, China, and Japan. Dr. Malyavin has written over thirty research monographs. His latest books, A Manageable China: Good Old Bureaucracy? (2006) and The Empire of Scientists (2005), aroused great interest in the Russian expert community. Today, Professor Malyavin chairs the Institute of Russian Research at the Tamkang University, Taiwan.

Q: What are the peculiar features of Taiwan's political regime?

Vladimir Malyavin: In South-Eastern Asia, in the area of Confucian civilization, Taiwan is the only nation which could be described as a "capable democracy". That means that the two dominating political parties, efficiently balancing one another, possess an almost equal influence. Still, this development of the two-party system resulted, at a certain stage, in a mutual smearing campaign.

The largest of relevant scandals culminated in the charges against President Chen Shui-bian. He was accused of embezzlement of a sum of $450,000 from the Presidential fund for unclear purposes. His son-in-law, Chao Chien-ming, was even taken into custody – what do you think the chargers were? – on charges of using insider information in speculative trade. He practically traded political options: who is going to be fired, or elevated. His wife was exposed of using money from the presidential fund for her personal bijouterie. Last autumn, millions of people rallied in Taipei. A sit-down strike before the Presidential palace lasted for two weeks, attracting international media and known since as the "Taipei Show".

There are some disturbances in the ranks of the Kuomintang opposition as well. Taipei's Mayor, the present leader of Kuomintang, is suspected of embezzling a sum of $40,000 from his own foundation. His secretary had included the mayoralty's expenses for office equipment, stationery, and some kind of fruit for official receptions into one bill, and that was interpreted as a gross violation of financial discipline – though the official apparently just saved his own time and office paper.

All these scandals contribute to the paralysis of power, which continues actually for a long time. The President is unable to authorize a single law without the approval of the Parliament, which is by a narrow margin dominated by Kuomintang. In his turn, the President is reluctant to authorize draft laws, endorsed by Kuomintang. Besides, a number of laws are not passed just because MPs are afraid to "offend" some of the electoral groups.

New contradictions emerge even from debates focused on environment. For instance, take the situation with fish resources. The proposal to forbid fishing in coastline waters has been discussed for a long time. But definitely, fishermen are about to express protest. Therefore, the legislation is stalled, as politicians are trying to escape a conflict with any of the professional communities, as the result of the elections may be determined with a 0.02 advantage of any of the two sides, and every vote is precious.

Q: But what is the agenda of the political struggle? What purposes do the President and the opposition pursue?

V.M: Today, the inhabitants of the island can't reach accord on their own citizenship. Kuomintang insists that the Taiwanese are Chinese. The opposition regards the population of Taiwan as an independent nation, with its own identity, different from that of the mainland China. The advocates of Taiwanese identity have even composed new school textbooks on history, where Taiwan is described as a genuine nation.

For an outside observer, this bargain sounds ridiculous. The proponents of Taiwanese identity practically demand that a citizen forget his family origin, as he represents the same nation as the aboriginal populations. Meanwhile, the indigenous Taiwanese belong to a different, Austronesian race. Still, in the political context, they are supposed to be the same, and this is regarded as a central point of the agenda of those who reject the Chinese identification.

Q: Could this strange view originate from the desire of the anti-Kuomintang opposition to establish a new Taiwanese tradition, not associated with the name of Chang Kai-shek?

V.M: Let is follow the sequence of events. After the death of Chiang Chin-kuo, Chang Kai-shek's son, the President's post was entrusted to Lee Teng-hui, then-chairman of the Kuomintang party. During his rule, Taiwan's political system acquired a democratic shape. Later, he was forced to leave; moreover, he was expelled from Kuomintang with disgrace. As a result of the political crisis of that time, the elections were won by the oppositional Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

This new party rose to the surface of the wave of criticism of Kuomintang, and on the background of revitalization of public policy, following the 1987 revocation of the Martial Law. Oppositional forces accused Kuomintang of political crimes, including the so-called "white terror" of 1940s. By today Kuomintang has certainly “refinished” its image, admitted its mistakes of the part, and eventually gained new popularity – as soon as DPP displayed managerial weakness, along with corruption, the professional disease of democracy.

Generally, the two sides of today's Taiwanese public policy are divided over a single issue: China, or not? Everyone is faced with a question: who are you, a Taiwanese or a Chinese? The whole political life of the island is focused on this question. As a paradox, the pretext for a disaccord became the point of crystallization. The fact is that today, Taiwan is facing self-determination. The process of self-identification can't be solved by vote or by legislation.

One Taiwanese author found a good image for illustrating this problem, calling his motherland "the orphan of Asia". What is an orphan? He can even be a role model, take Voltaire's "Chinese Orphan". However, an orphan does not have any family background, as well as family upbringing – nothing but genetic material.

Q: In South-Eastern Asia, there is one more "Chinese island" – Singapore, where democratic "experiments" have not yet been staged.

V.M: Yes, Singapore is ruled by an authoritarian regime. Over 90% of the parliament's seats are held by the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP). The opposition does not have any opportunities. Earlier, they were jailed for political activity as such; today, for slander. In case an oppositionist tries to accuse some minister of embezzlement, he will face charges of slander, and be financially undermined to the extent depriving him of the very possibility of political activity.

Singapore is a police state. Still, this state is flourishing. Singapore's experience is crucial for understanding of Eastern capitalism generally. When we pronounce words like "authoritarianism" or "liberalism", "etatism" or "market economy", these words sound not the same in the East as they sound in the West.

In case the term "liberalism" is a definition of market economy, we'll have to admit that in the mainland China – not speaking of Singapore – it is much more advanced than in Russia. Liberal laws in economy are functioning in the framework of an authoritarian political structure – which, however, is not perceived by the population as an obstacle for its political rights. The base of this system is rather civilizational than ideological. Certainly, ideology shapes it, but very mildly. From the standpoint of Europeans, China’s system of governance looks rather instable. Still, this system is very efficient. It is integral and circumspect, typically for this the civilization.

Curiously, Singapore is today used as an example for the mainland China, as today's President Hu Jingtao has repeatedly stressed.

It is true that the Communist Party of China has got much to learn from the People’s Action Party. Singapore's ruling party, which does not have to run populist campaigns for discrediting its rival, as in Taiwan, and has a possibility to function as a machine for selection of talents. This machine is the pivotal factor of Singapore's stability. Best professionals in various fields of science, economy and culture are selected by the party, to achieve posts in major state institutions. Social work is also a priority: the party constructs living quarters, issues allowances, controls law enforcement. This enables PAP – as well as the Communist Party of China – to achieve impressive social results.

Interviewers: Roman Bagdasarov and Yulia Larionova

(To be continued)


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