December 27, 2007 (the date of publication in Russian)

Viktor Polyakov

SARKOZY'S AFRICAN FERVOR

The mission of the Mediterranean Union is to weaken Germany's influence on the Black Continent

The plans of establishing the Mediterranean Union, recently proclaimed by France, have aroused anxiety in Berlin. The initiative of President Nicolas Sarkozy is correctly understood by the German leadership as an attempt of Paris to fortify its dominating role in former French colonies of Northern Africa, and to secure its access to the natural resources of this region.

In her open debate with Sarkozy, Germany's Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel hinted that her country could respond with a similar political expansion in the eastern direction – for instance, by establishing "an Eastern European Union, involving Ukraine and other similar states".

Should this remark be interpreted as unfriendly towards Russia? In the same phrase, Mrs. Merkel characterized a probable Eastern expansion of Germany as "a dangerous development". Thus, she made clear that initiatives like Sarkozy's project are draught with a serious collision of influences. Her major emphasis was that "the Mediterranean Union should be open for anyone" (i.e. for any EU state) and that the French should not pursue their egoistic interests alone.

Thus, Merkel's "Eastern alternative" should be seen as a polemic rebuttal of the grudges of the EU bureaucracy over Germany's tendency of domination in the community, especially in the East European markets, exemplified with Berlin's comprehensive partnership with Russia and efforts to involve Poland into its orbit of influence.

The traditionally cautious Federal Chancellor would hardly undertake such a strong political counter-offensive and use such kinds of ambiguous arguments if Sarkozy's African strategy did not seriously affect Germany’s corporate interests.

Merkel's remarks followed Sarkozy's official visit to Algiers, where French companies signed contracts amounting up to $5 billion, as well as the announced plans of Paris to assist in construction of nuclear plants in Morocco and Libya.

Obviously, Merkel is jealous not only of French interests in civil economy. The design of the Mediterranean Union suggests the dominating role of Paris in military-technological cooperation between Europe and Africa, and therefore, expansion of French military presence on the Black Continent. This competition actually lasts since the times when the shrinking USSR unilaterally yielded economic and political influence in Africa to European powers.

Since 1990, France has been implementing a program of military training of African national armies, dubbed Reinforcement des Capacites Africaines de Maintien de la Paix, RECAMP. In its turn, Germany is promoting its own BattleGroup program.

France, with its background of colonial domination in a half of Africa, has proven to be more successful in African strategy. This was demonstrated during the EU mission in Congo. Though the mission was supposed to benefit German economic interests, France was perceived in Kinshasa as the leading and more representative force.

In this competition of interests, the German establishment is trying to target the weak point of Paris – namely, its commitment for partnership with African regimes regardless from their domestic policies. On the eve of the EU-Africa summit in Lisbon, Germany and Great Britain jointly attacked Zimbabwe over infringement of human rights. An offended Robert Mugabe characterized EU policy as "arrogant" and "based upon a superiority complex". However, the real common target of Berlin and London was obviously not Harare but Paris.

The intra-European brawl over Africa, dating back to the colonial rivalry of the XIX century, reveals not only cracks in the European unity but also a strategic disadvantage of the EU as a political subject in Africa. On the background of this too visible demonstration of corporate egoism and political shallow-mindedness, China – a not only economic but also an ideological competitor – acquires an even more formidable potential for its own domination. Merkel's earlier remarks in favor of the secessionist Tibet adds fuel to the strategic rivalry.

Sarkozy's political line is definitely more pragmatic. His far-ranging political and economic plans had become made public yet before the French presidential elections, the Mediterranean Union project being an element of his party's political program. Literally a day after the EU-Africa summit, recognized by experts as a failure, Sarkozy raised the issue of the Mediterranean Union in his personal talks with Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi in Paris. During this round of bilateral diplomacy, France and Libya signed a number of contracts for a total of $10bln, including a nuclear plant project and sale of 21 Airbus aircrafts to Tripoli for $4.37 billion.

Quite naturally, the French President’s flirt with Gaddafi was interpreted in mass media, as well as in some government circles, as "checkbook policy" cynicism. Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, earlier famous for his anti-Iranian remarks, was reluctant to bring any arguments in support of France's partnership with the Libyan leader, while his subordinate Rama Yade, State Secretary for Foreign Affairs and Human Rights, declared that the timing of Gaddafi's arrival in France (coinciding with the international Human Rights Day, marking the anniversary of UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights), makes this visit graceless.

The obstinate Sarkozy, neglecting those arguments, continued his agitation for the Mediterranean Union on December 20 in Rome during a lunch with the Prime Ministers of Italy and Spain. He made clear that the MU concept, being today elaborated in Paris, is going to include particular projects in the spheres of energy policy, immigration, and economic development. Sarkozy insists that the new alliance be financed from the EU budget through a Mediterranean Bank of Development, which would distribute grants for African countries on the model of EBRD. He also clarified that the new alliance should involve a number of European states, including Cyprus, Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Malta; Middle East states, including Turkey and Israel, and all the nations of North Africa.

Sarkozy's plans are viewed ambiguously not only within the EU framework. Cairo is not enthusiastic towards the project; Ankara suspects Sarkozy of inventing a surrogate alternative for Turkey's membership in the EU. Meanwhile, Merkel's risky remark about possible alternatives is picked by a romantic Jacek Sariusz-Wolski, chair of the European Parliament's Foreign Affairs Commission, who uses it to advocate similar designs of Baltic and Black Sea Unions.

In any case, despite doubts inside and outside the EU, Sarkozy's project is going to proceed. "What you can’t avoid, you should join", a Euro-MP pointed out on this subject.

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